Chapter 21
Sadiq, Qasim, Gulshah and Farooq
The outwardly liberal Sadiq was a religious bigot to the core. He was first a Muslim than a Kashmiri, an Indian and an administrator later. He would evince interest in the conversion of Hindus to Muslims. Though he did not encourage forcible conversion, he adopted such policies as would for the terrorised and scared Hindu society to think or accepting Islam. For the flrst time reservations on the basis of sects was ordered in Kashmir. In the Government services 70 per cent seats were reserved for the Muslims. Those people who, after wearing the, glasses of appeasement, project Sadiq as a secular and a nationalist should put off these glasses by reading the editorials in Pratap (October 1966), published from New Delhi, and Nav Jeevan (October 1966), published from Srinagar.
"It is said that conditions were being crested in Jammu and Kashmir which could compel Hindus and Sikhs to abandon their religion. All India Dayanand Salvation Mission, Hoshiarpur, receives a letter from Maharaj Gunj, Srinagar, saying that one Brahmin girl was marrying a Muslim. And in Anantnag, one Sikh, 20 Hindus and three Hindu girls were adopting Islam. If anyone accepts religious conversion willingly, it cannot be opposed strongly. But when the Government itself created such conditions as will make them feel that without religious conversion they could not get justice, it is difficult to talerate. The reality is that these boys and girls were desirous of seeking admission in medical and engineering colleges. The Government had formulated a policy under which a third class Muslim was equated with a first class Hindu and still the former would get priority. As a result of it, these boys and girls could think of no other option except religious conversion for securing admission in the colleges. Their fault was that they were meritorious and born in Hindu families. That is why they are facing this sort of treatments.
The names of those Hindu candidates who were being given injustice were published in Shese two newspapers. But Sadiq was not prepared to change his intentions and his policies. He made full efforts to spoil the career and the future of the Hindu Kashmiris The editorial says:
"Sadiq is befooling Congressmen in Delhi in a carefree mood. He has decided to project Kashmir in front of the world as a unique example of secularism. But the meaning of his secularism is to carry out religious conversion of Hindu students for the sake of admission in schools and colleges. If there is discrimination between a Hindu and a Muslim at the time of admission in engineering and medical colleges who will then have confidence in the capabilities of the students later ? How can they be trusted ? The Congressmen often repeat that instead of the British policy of reservation on the basis of population, encouragement was now given to merit. But what is the real picture, I have given an instance of it. I believe that there is no ignoble a thing as conversion out of helplessness which defames him. Whatever is happening in Kashmir will not only defame the converted boys and girls but also create a situation in which people will feel unsafe in the hands of the doctors whose standard has been quite poor".
Sadiq's patronage to Plebiscite Front
The anti-India activities of the Plebiscite Front received Sadiq's support and blessings. A resolution opposing Jammu and Kashmir's accession to India was adopted at a one-day convention of the Front. The Government had made available facilities for the members of the Front and in organising the convention. The Sadiq had sold a Government car to the Sheikh at cheap rates in order to enable him to tour the entire valley for mobilising support for the convention. As a result of these activities the nationalist forces in Kashmir received a heavy setback.
Behind the merger of the National Conference with the Congress by Sadiq was his political amhition. He wanted to kill two birds with one stone: he would like to sideline the Baskhi and win the support of the Centre.
As a result of the communal poison having been spread by the leaders of the Plebiscite Front, some Muslim youths attacked the houses of Hindus at Chinkral Mohalla, in Srinagar, in September 1964. This attack assumed the shape of violence. The houses were looted. Women were dragged out of their houses and abused. But the Government headed by Sadiq did not take any step. Rioters were not arrested. It was during the Sadiq regime that one minor Hindu girl, Parmeshwari, was converted to Islam forcibly and was married to a Muslim youth and her name was changed to Parveen Akhtar. The Sadiq Government remained reticent on these events.
There was complete understanding among the anti-national elements, the leaders of the Plebiscite Front and the Sadiq Government. The three had the same goal of teasing Hindus in order to force them to quit Kashmir. Discrimination had reached such a stage that an anti-national Muslim was given preference to a nationalist Hindu. The Hindus united and launched an agitation against this discrimination and atrocities. The doors of the Centre were knocked but they did not get justice from anywhere. It may be mentioned here that Kashmiri Pandit leaders, belonging to the Bakshi faction of the National Conference and the Indian National Congress, supported the Centre fully in curbing this agitation.
Mir Qasim
After G.M. Sadiq, Mir Qasim remained Chief Minister for four years. Since he was not a clever player of politics, he could not succeed in having a special control on the administration and the state's politics. During his rule, Sheikh Sahib and his colleagues carried out carefully their activities for giving practical shape to their desire of carving out an Independent Kashmir. But after the 1971 Indo-Pak conflict, which resulted in the defeat of Pakistan and birth of Bangladesh, Sheikh Abdullah and his colleagues changed their stance. They restarted their rote that Kashmir's accession to India being final was an inseparable part of India.
Indira reinstalls Sheikh as Chief Minister
The then Prime Minister of India, Mrs Indira Gandhi, whose political attitude was governed by Nehru's policies, decided to woo and pramote Sheikh Abdullah. She extended her hand of friendship to the Shiekh. As an opportunist the Sheikh thought it better for his interests to accept her offer. There were two reasons responsible for the Sheikh to cover his separatist face with the mask of nationalism: One, the back of his patron, Pakistan, had been broken in the 1971-war. Secondly, he had old friendship with Indira Gandhi when he was close to the Nehru family. Therefore, the Sheikh initiated protracted talks with Indira Gandhi. These friendly parleys continued for three years. During this period Indira went on removing the anti-nationalist spots from the face of the Sheikh. In the end the plastic surgery of these friendly talks covered the spots of communalism on the face of the Sheikh and the Kashmir Accord was born.
The agreement reached between Mirza Afzal Beg and Parthasarthy was implemented on February 24, 1975. Mir Qasim resigned, the Congress party elected Sheikh Abdullah as its leader and the Chief Minister. Yesterday's anti-national became today a nationalist and this is the result of duplicity. The man who was tried for sedition was now given the power in the State.
Soon after assuming power, Sheikh Sahib started revealing his old face. By bringing the Sheikh back to power, the Government of India spoiled the situation in Kashmir again. Hindus in Kashmir became the victim of the dual policy of the Sheikh. By teasing Hindus, the Muslim majority can be won over and kept united. Sheikh Abdullah's desire was to convert Kashmir to a completely Muslim region and Jammu to a Muslim majority area. In order to achieve this objective, the Sheikh introduced a dangerous and anti-Hindu bill in the State Assembly. The meaning of the Resettlement Bill was to invite those Muslims who had gone to Pakistan at the time of the partition, back to Kashmir.
Dangerous Resettlement Bill
"Why this Resettlement Bill" named booklet has written in clear terms: its purpose was to remove the constitutional difficulties which had created hurdles for the people of the state and in the reunion of the two parts of Kashmir. Now the people of the state would have facility in returning to the state. The Sheikh wanted to cause cracks in the walls of the Kashmir Accord by building pressure on Delhi through the crisis generated by the bill. He wanted to merge the Muslim areas of Poonch and Rajouri in order to carve out Greater Kashmir for which he wanted to prepare the background. The Sheikh also utilised this platform for establishing a politically strong base for his son, Dr. Farooq Abdullah.
The Bill was adopted by the Assembly but the Governor rejected it. Behind this Bill lay the dangerous design of the Sheikh. His idea was to increase the populaticn of Muslims in the state and inflate the number of his supporters in order to secure Independent Kashmir. The purpose of the Bill, a product of the mind of the Sheikh, can be understood by the pain of those people who have been deprived of the simple rights of citizens. Those Hindus who were uprooted from Pakistan during the time of the partition have not been able to become citizens of Jammu and Kashmir. They have neither the right to exercise their franchise, nor buy land nor construct a house in the state.
This evil design was started with Sheikh becoming the Prime Minister and these schemes were restarted with his becoming the Chief Minister now.
Hunger for power only
Sheikh fully supported one secessionist organisation "Al Fatah" in Kashmir. Its 30 activists, who were in Jail on charge of sedition, were released after Sheikh Abdullah withdrew the cases against them. The organisation like the Jamait-e-Islamic too received his support. The Sheikh disbanded the Plebiscite Front and merged it with the National Conference in order to wear a nationalist mask on its anti-national activities. The anti-defection law was enacted in such a way as would ensure supremacy of his political group.
The Sheikh taught similar things to the posterity. Politicking through inciting religious sentiments and reach the goal of power through this political ladder. Therefore, it can be concluded that the Sheikh was neither an Indian nor a Pakistani. Neither was he a Kashmiri nor a true Muslim. He was a politician hungry for power. That is why he was changing his stance repeatedly to remain the Chief Minister. He played his politics in order to have the Chief Minister's seat for his son, Dr Farooq Abdullah, a minister's post for his son-in-law, Gulshah, and a seat in the Lok Sabha for his wife, Begum Abdullah. He succeeded, during his lifetime, in installing Dr. Farooq Abdullah as President of the National Conference.
Farooq too on the same track
In September 1982 Dr. Farooq Abdullah became the Chief Minister. Farooq was not even distantly oonnected with the politics of the State and that of India. Brought up in the western traditions, he had no idea even of his religion. Before becoming the Chief Minister, major portion of his life had been spent in London. He had secured even the British citizenship. He had links with the people of Jammu snd Kashmir Liberation Front which was struggling for independence of Kashmir. Farooq had secret relations with many leaders of the JKLF with whom he used to hold secret confabulations. He had established contact with the JKLF Chief, Amanullah Khan, terrorist leader, Hashim Qureshi, and the executed Maqbool Butt.
In 1974 Farooq Abdullah visited Pakistan and Pakistan occupied Kashmir on the invitation of the JKLF leaders. During this visit the had series of meetings with prominent leaders of the Liberation Front and had been influenced by Abdul Khaki Ansari, an influential leader, and pledged his loyalty and friendship for Pakistan. His secret parleys with Pakistani leader, Sikender Hayat Khan, and Benazir Bhutto found prominent place in the newspapers.
Farooq Sahib is, like his father, adept in concealing his face. Like Sheikh Abdullah, he too wore the mask of an Indian nationalist, 'Kashmir an integral part of India', alliance with Congress, with powerful Indira Gandhi and then young Rajiv Gandhi. And he kept on wearing the mask as per the requirement of the time.
He needed the patronage of the Congress for maintaining the secrecy of his secret links with leaders of the Liberation Front and pro-Pakistan elements in order to give practical shape to Sheikh Abdullah's dream of an independent Kashmir. Just as Sheikh Al-dullah, under the patronage of Pt Nehru, painted his treacherous face with nationalism and kept on changing his stance, similarly Farooq Abdullah too adopted the policy of sycophancy towards Indira Gandhi, Rajiv and other leaders of the Congress. He utilised the Congress leaders of Jammu and Kashmir for reaching the highest circles in the party in Delhi. That time he cultivated the Pradesh Congress Chief, Mufti Mohd. Syed, and his deputy, Ghulam Rasool Kar. Farooq shuts his eyes towards infiltration
In Kashmir too he adopted a similar policy and forged friendship with Chairman of the Awami Action Commitltee, Mirwaiz Molvi Farooq who was a source for the separatist agitation. This friendship helped him to kill two birds with one stone. On one side he concealed his real face and on the other, he gave an umbrella to terrorists and leaders of the JKLF. The result was that infiltration from Pakistan was encouraged. A large number of infiltrators succeeded in entering into Kashmir. Farooq kept his eyes so much shut that number of infiltrators found entry in Government services and the police. The entire administration had been paralysed because of the liberal policy of Farooq towards such elements. The then Governor, Jagmohan, has given an account of the condition that prevailed then.
'The call for observing January 26, 1984 as a black day evoked full response and total hartal was observed. Communal, narrow minded and subversive elements are getting more active and the administration losing its grip. Neither the Congress (I) nor the National Conference (Farooq) has any interest in facing this challenge on the political level. The heavy quantities of arms and ammunition smuggled from across the border are yet to be recovered. The local intelligence sources are not proving as much competent as is needed during such eventualities. Besides this, the subversive elements have clear support from a major section of the politicians, especially those elements who are connected with Jamait-e-Islami, Peoples' Conference, Peoples' League and Mahazi Azadi. This is evident by the way activists of Jamait-e-Islami are distributing cassettes, containing provocative speeches of Maqbool Butt of Kashmir Liberation Front and Syed Ali Shah Geelani, in order to incite the youth to pick up arms against India. Mohammad Altaf Khan, alias Azam Inqilabi, who has crossed over to the other side of the border, is operating from there. He and his supporters still get full assistance from the Liberation Front's Amanullah Khan.
The beginning of armed revolt
It is evident from the above mentioned details that weapons from Pakistan were smuggled into Kashmir during the time of Farooq Abdullah and during the same time Jamait-e-Islami incited Kashmiri Muslim youths to taking up arms and anti-India propaganda was launched through the cassettes. The result was that the terrorists enjoyed the upper hand. The police too were scared of a terrorist like Shabir Shah. Under the guerrilla strategy attacks of the separatists on the police kept on increasing. "Zia Tigers" and "Al Jung" separatist organisations were formed under the nose of Farooq Abdullah and these two organisations expanded their activities. Farooq Sahib had given full latitude to Mullas and Molvis to indulge in political propaganda from religious platforms. In reality separatism took birth and flourished from these very religious platforms. Taking advantage of the ostrich type attitude of the Chief Minister, many religious organisations - Islamic Students League, Ahle Hadis, Umate Islami and Jamait-e-Islami started uprooting the ancient national glory in Kashmir. These organisations started the work of influencing educational institutions while following Pakistan's style of Islamisation.
Prior to Dr. Farooq Abdullah's coming to power, Kashmir had witnessed the activities of the separatist elements. But because of the alertness of the police, many pro-Pakistan people, terrorist Kashmiri youths and separatist elements had been arrested and imprisoned. Farooq Adbullah, instead of arresting the remaining anti-national elements, started releasing the arrested criminals. Among them included even those terrorists who had returned after receiving training in Pakistan. About 200 such militants were set free by Frooq Abdullah. An event of 1983 is enough to support the above fact. In the Bakshi Stadium, in Srinagar, Dr. Farooq Abdullah remained a mute spectator when Pakistani flags were hoisted, pro-Pak atmosphere was built and when disrespectful and anti-national slogans like "Indian dogs quit Kashmir" were shouted. Those who were arrested by the police were let off under the instructions of Farooq Abdullah. Terrorism started taking firm roots in Kashmir because of the support and patronage of Farooq Abdullah. During this very time the terrorists started terrorising Hindus who were directed to leave the Valley. Farooq Sahib remained unperturbed and reticent.
Bigotry comes to the forefront
Dr. Farooq utilised all his energies for fulfilling the known and undeclared aims of his father, Sheikh Abdullah. Farooq Abdullah facilitated the adoption of the dangerous resettlement bill in the State Assembly which his father had presented in the Assembly and which was considered illegal, immoral and anti-Hindu. But the Governor, Jagmohan, rejected it. Though the Bill did not receive his assent, it projected the real religious face of Farooq Abdullah. As such, Farooq Abdullah supported the conspiracy of inviting back Muslims from Pakistan for resettlement in Kashmir.
Besides the separatist elements in Jammu and Kashmir, similar elements in Punjab too received support from Dr. Farooq. He had met Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale in the Golden temple in Amritsar after the Operation Bluestar of l984 which had been carried out to flush out Pro-Pakistan terrorists and other criminals involved in thousand of killings in Punjab and had taken shelter in Darbar Sahib. What can be the aim of this meeting ? Bhindranwale was not a nationalist leader whom Dr. Farooq had gone to meet. Bhindranwale was not a Chief Minister of Punjab and there was no political problem of Punjab and Kashmir. Why then did Farooq go to him ? People got the reply to this question when six training centres were set up in Jammu and Kashmir for Punjab terrorists, about which reports were published in newspapers. Terrorist activities are being run in Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab with the assistance of Pakistan. Was it not apparent that meetings between the Punjab and Kashmir terrorist leaders was part of the Pakistani plarl ? Does it not indicate that there was a strong link-up between Pakistan, Bhindranwale snd Farooq ?
During the 1984 elections Dr. Farooq Abdullah left no stone unturned in inciting religious passions among the Muslims in the election campaign of his party. The way the communal and anti-India posters were published eclipsed the communalism of Sheikh Abdullah. Mr. Jagmohan has described the anti-national attitude of Farooq Abdullah behind the contents of these posters in the following words:
According to Jagmohan, it is evident from one poster where all Kashmiris have been portrayed in fetters in a pitiable condition. Certainly, here arises the question as to who has kept them bound in the shackles. The impression is made that India has done it. The entire Kashmiri nation has been portrayed in the shape of the National Conference (Farooq).
In the last line of the poster it is written that "plough" is a symbol of their struggle and independence. Against whom is this struggle ? How this freedom has been undermined ? Are not the Kashmiris already free ? Do they treat themselves still slaves ?
At the top of the poster is a poem the theme of which is "O, God break that cruel hand which killed the soul of Kashmir's freedom".
It is written in the poster that the hand is stained with the blood of the innocent people. Chop it off for ever. Doesn't it clearly point towards the Indian hand ? The background of Kashmir in fetters is painted in red colour which too is meaningful.
In this context, what can be the meaning of the poster ? In all what was its impact and what message does it convey to Kashmiris ? It is also worth consideration what is the aim of the National Conference (Farooq) ? Are the speeches and statements of Farooq Abdullah, which he makes in other parts of India, in tune with the poster ?
The second poster carries the map of Kashmir with a scared face of a Kashmiri boy. The boy is inside the border of Kashmir. The boy is unconscious and on whose chest a strong hand is thrusting a spear. This hand is shown emerging from outside Kashmir meaning India. The poster unfortunately indicates that the merciless and the blood thirsty Indians are killing innocent Kashmiris. What else can be the meaning of the blood stained hand, strong fist and blood stains around the chest of the boy for the Kashmiris ?
The third poster carries guns and bayonets pointing towards Kashmir. Whose bayonets are these? Certainly people of Kashmir will treat them of the Indians. "Think for a while, think" is written on this poster. Its meaning is that they are surrounded by the enemy.
Alongwith the fourth poster there is need for reading "Operation New Star" titled pamphlet. This poster carries a girl representing tlhe "nation" that is "Kashmiri nation" and it is said that her murder can be avenged by voting in favour of the National Conference. It is written in the pamphlet that the innocent girl has been a victim of the bullets of the Indian security forces. Its direct meaning is that the Indian Army is killing innocent girls. This was a dangerous and harmful propaganda when the real fact is that the girl was a victim of the Kashmir police firing opened on a Shia procession.
Gulshah in the same mould
During his 20-month rule, Ghulam Mohammad Shah surpassed all the previous record in communalism. Though he may have quarreled with Dr. Farooq Abdullah for the sake of assuming the seat of power, the two sailed in the same boat in the context of anti-Hindu and anti-India policies.
During the reign of Gulshah one more flower of communalism blossomed in Kashmir. A mosque was built in the Civil Secretariat complex in Jammu so that the Muslim employees had not to go far off for offering prayers. This mosque too was raised within the premises of an ancient temple. This incident rocked the Hindus of Jammu region. A powerful agitation was launched in Jammu under the leadership of Hindu Raksha Samiti. A delegation of Jammu Hindus, under the leadership of a well-known RSS leader, Vaid Vaishnu Dutt, met the Chief Minister, Gulshah. While insulting the members of the delegation he told them "I am also a devout Muslim. I offer Nimaz five times daily. Every Muslim has the right to offer prayers five times daily and therefore, a mosque is necessary in a Government office". It was natural for the Hindus to get provoked by the reply of Shah Sahib.
There was anger against Gulshah in Jammu city and its adjoining areas. The Hindu Raksha Samiti gave a call for Jammu Bandh. Total Bandh was observed for four days in the entire region. Thousands of workers of Hindu Raksha Samiti and other Hindu organisations courted arrest during this time. The effigies of Shah were burnt in many places. The Shah fled to Srinagar, out of scare and without informing anyone.
The Hindu leaders removed the "Shah Masjid" from the civil secretariat. It was a success for the Hindus. However, on the other side, Shah Sahib gave a communal hue to the atmosphere on reaching Srinagar. That very time news reached Srinagar that the locks of Ram Janam Bhoomi had been opened under the Government order.
When the locks of Ram Janam Bhoomi were opened
The atmosphere that had developed in the entire country over the question of liberation of Ram Janam Bhoomi had its impact on Jammu and Kashmir. There also demonstrations, hartals and disturbances were organised and engineered by the Muslim society. But the atmosphere in Kashmir remains different from the one in rest of the country during such demonstrations. The entire atmosphere assumes the shape of anti-Hindu and pro-Pakistan trends because of Article 370, bigger population of Muslims, their own Government, and because of freedom of movement enjoyed by Pakistani infiltrators and the majority of Pakistani supporters in Kashmir.
Hartals and demonstrations in protest against the opening of the locks of Ram Janam Bhoomi were organised in the towns, districts and villages of Srinagar, Baramulla and Anantnag. These protest demonstrations had started assuming the shape of violence. Its victims were the Hindu minority community, their temples, their houses and their women-folk.
Violence after Shah reached Srinagar
The Shah reached Srinagar on February 20 along with some of his trusted officers. Till then the valley of Kashmir was calm. Some demonstrations had been organised in some prominent places against the opening of the locks of Ram Janam Bhoomi. But in such demonstrations, as has been the case always, "Pakistan Zindabad" slogans were shouted Hartal was observed in some places and the passenger transport services were disrupted. But the moment Gulshah and his colleagues reached Srinagar, the atmosphere turned communal and violent. Immediately two rumours were set afloat: one, Hindus have damaged many mosques in the Jammu region. Secondly, more than 200 Muslims had been killed and their bodies were being brought to Kashmir in buses. These rumours were set afloat under a well planned strategy.
Government officers, among whom the number of police officials was bigger, fully supported these rumours to spread to the valley and even reach villages. These baseless and concocted rumours paved the way for the already alert pro-Pakistan elements to indulge in anti-national activities.
These anti-national elements became active and provoked and incited the Muslim youths by organising them in small groups. A vicious atmosphere was generated for eliminating Hindus by raking up slogans like "Islam is in danger" and "Pakistan Zindabad".
Chief Minister, Gulshah, stayed in Srinagar for three days. All the conspiracies were hatched during these three days for uprooting Hindus. The Jammu and Kashmir police, in which the majority of officers and constables are Muslims, not only avoided stopping this destruction but assisted fully the rioters. In many places, these police officers led the rioters and encouraged them. Muslim youths in small groups of 100 to 300 marched from one village to another who were led by Muslim Congress (I) men, workers of the Farooq and Shah factions of the National Conference and by other Muslim leaders. Police and other Government officers were informed about it by the terrorised Hindus but it had no impact on them. The Muslim rioters would enter any village without any hurdle and indulge in arson and loot of Hindu houses, temples and shops.
A survey has revealed that all the destruction of Hindu houses, temples and shops and the atrocities on Hindu women were mostly committed during the curfew restrictions. It seemed as if the curfew restrictions had been imposed to force Hindus to tolerate all atrocities and injustice silently. During any relaxation in curfew restrictions, Hindus would shut themselves in their houses out of terror, and Muslim youths used to roam about freely and indulge in destruction and arson with their weapons, kerosene oil and petrol. It is evident that curfew relaxation was given to facilitate these elements to carry out their task because the police used to watch the scene like mute spectators.
In this region more than 500 houses were ransacked. More than 50 houses were totally burnt and around 300 of their inhabitants were uprooted. Hundreds of shops were looted. More than 30 shops were set ablaze and over 60 temples were damaged and desecrated. Out of this more than 40 temples were clamaged in arson. In addition to this, hotels, factories and crops belonging to Hindus were destroyed. It was a common sight to have Hindu women beaten up, teased and insulted in the bazaars.
All these atrocities were the result of rumours that a massacre of Muslims was going on in Jammu. Contrary to this, Jammu remained totally peaceful. Nothing happened anywhere. How strange and well planned strategy it was to keep Hindus under check during regular curfew restrictions and police curbs, while on the other hand, gave full opportunity to Muslim youths to indulge in arson in Kashmir. In Sopore town the son of Congress leader and member of Rajya Sabha, Ghulam Rasool Kar, led a violent demonstration. During these processions and violent demonstrations, news about the death of those Muslims was circulated who were alive. Many among them were present there. In many places a call for social boycott of Hindus was given so that they were teased and torrrented forcing them to leave the Valley. At one place a Muslim shopkeeper refused to sell milk to a child because he was a Hindu. And in Jammu Muslims were provided with milk, during the curfew restrictions, through Government vans.
Almost all the political parties in the country condemned these riots. One BJP delegation, led by Kedar Nath Sahni, visited Kashmir and it briefed the Press and the concerned officers regarding the entire situation.
Prof. Balraj Madhok writes in his book "Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh," that the events of February 1986, in which Muslims in the Kashmir valley, particularly in Anantnag district of South Kashmir, damaged about 50 temples, set ablaze hundreds of houses and gave inhuman and indecent treatment to Hindu women, are the blackest deeds of the 20- month rule of G.M. Shah. According to informed sources, the so-called supporters of the Congress played a hateful role in this evil deed. The Kashmiri leaders of the Congress had thought that after the dismissal of the Shah Govermnent, the Congress would form its cabinet allowing a chance for its Muslim President to become the Chief Minister. The second object was to terrorise Kashmiri Pandits and force them to migrate from the Valley.
Gulshah nourishes desire for Islamic rule
In the booklet "Why the Governor's rule in Jammu and Kashmir" ? Published by the National Conference, excerpts of the speeches of Shah Sahib have been published. These speeches indicate that the Shah would treat the post of the Chief Minister and Government institutions as Islamic centres. He would consider these as organs for propagating Islam. It is written in the book that shah Sahib had advised a big congregation of his party workers that if by dint of their hard work, honesty and the blessings of God they reach the Rashtrapati Bhawan, they should construct a mosque there for the worship of God.
Shah Sahib had so much religious zeal that he would not understand the simple matters of humanity and civilisation. The President, the Prime Minister of India, whenever they go to any temple, mosque, Church or any Gurdwara, follow certain rules in those places. This is civilisation of a religious man. But Gulshah's civilisation had been blackened by his bigotry. A reading of an excerpt from his speeches gives a clear indication of his narrow mindedness.
One such speech: "I had to face 20 difficulties in my 20-month rule I accompanied President Venketraman to Vaishnov Devi pilgrimage. There the President offered prayers aocording to his religion and the priest of the Shrine applied Tilak on his forehead. When he approached me with Tilak I stopped him and told him: 'I am a Muslim and my religion does not permit application of Tilak on the forehead'. I was invited to attend the Dussera festival. I had been told in my childhood that this festival and function is not in line with our religious principle. That is why I refused to attend the function".
The political atmosphere of Jammu and Kashmir had been fully poisoned during the rule of Gulshah. The Kashmir Valley was under the flames of communalism but the heat of these flames affected only Kashmiri Hindus. As a result of this tension, Congress too started losing its base in the Hindu Society. The Shah Ministry was dismissed and the Governor's rule was imposed in March 1986 because of the political worry of the Congress. On leaving his office Shah Sahib revived the old Muslim Conference. Shah wanted to restrengthen the Islamic base by exploiting India and Hindus. He launched a powerful propaganda saying that there was no secularism in Kashmir. His mind was clear: he wanted an Islamic rule in Kashmir because of its Muslim majority. By announcing that establishment of Islamic rule in Jammu and Kashmir was the goal of his life, he kicked the hollow base of India's secularism.
Campaign of terrorism and administration's reticence
On November 7, 1986, Dr. Farooq Abdullah resumed power as Chief Minister but this colourful personality had no grip on the administration. Dr. Gourinath says: "The fact is that Farooq Abdullah has never succeeded in keeping the administration under his control. As lover of pleasures, he had no time for this. It can be substantiated by the way Dr. Farooq was enjoying a ride with a famous film actress, Jeenat Aman on a motorbike in Sopore, while the plan of toppling his Govornment was being formed in Srinagar between end of June and the beginning of July 1984".
On assuming power, Dr. Farooq got worried about those jailed terrorists who had been arrested on charge of bomb blasts and other acts of violence. These included 70 hardcore terrorists whose detention had been held valid by the State High Court. Dr. Farooq ordered release of a gang of 23 terrorists so that they could be brought back to the "national mainstream". The meaning of national mainstream for Dr. Farooq was that they should be brought back to the anti-national stream which was flowing in Kashmir.
The administration had almost become paralysed because of Dr. Farooq's indecisive policies. But the workers of the National Conference thought it proper to adopt silence in these conditions. A report in Dec. 17, 19B6 Hindustan Times says:
The powerful National Conference, which claims to have its workers in all the villages of the Valley, has pitiably failed to face terrorism and violence during the last two years. When the terrorists arrived on the scene, party workers, instead of campaigning against them and of mobilising public opinion against them, preferred to remain inactive and allowed the situation to takes its own course. This is the reason for the support the terrorists gat from villages and towns. Besides this, the inactive administration allowed the situation to deteriorate. The Chief Minister delivered bold speeches before the public calling for an end to violence and the arrest of disruptionists. But all this proved fruitless. During the last two years about 100 people have been killed by militants and the police. Even before the 1983 elections, there was a charge against the Government of Jammu and Kashmir that it had recruited many youths in the police who had links with the militant organisation "Al Fatah".
The Times of India too made a similar comment when in its November 23,1989 issue it said that it seems that in the once prosperous but now a helpless Kashmir valley that a peculiar silence adopted towards the disruptive and illegal activities of terrorists is intriguing. Much before the announcement of the poll schedule, Pak-trained militants' subversive activities continue in the face of lack of any concern from New Delhi and except for the rhetoric and thundering speeches of Dr. Farooq Abdullah nothing else has been done.
The editorial of "The Hindu" on January 11, 1990 has said that the state Government has failed to restore even the semblance of normalcy. In the bloody events during the beginning of the week eight persons lost their lives because of the police firing. It clearly indicates that the Government has no means for bringing the situation under control. Subversives achieve success in indulging in sabotage, in carrying out different bomb explosions and in setting ablaze Government buildings despite the curfew restrictions. Such activities vivify the inaction of the Government. Dr. Farooq Abdullah has proved a failure not only administratively but politically also.
Administration under the control of Pro-Pak terrorists
The above mentioned newspaper commentaries indicate that the grip of the administration in the Kashmir valley had weakened and the control of pro-Pak elements and of militants favouring independence was increasing. The police Department, CID, Colleges, local newspapers, banks and other private and Government institutions had not only witnessed infiltration of militants but they had come under the control of antinational elements. The Muslim officers and employees of Jammu and Kashmir Police started giving overt and covert support to the militants. The Government decision, even before they were implemented, started getting known to the terrorists. One Head Constable, Abdullah Bangroo, played a vital role in carrying secret messages, letters and plans of the terrorists from one place to the other. This way links between many police employees and terrorists were established in Anantnag. To what extent the police were active in rendering assistance to the terrorists in a systematic way can be judged by an instance given by the then Governor, Mr. Jagmohan.
He has written about: "An event which took place on January 21, 1990".
Around 4.30 in the afternoon a small company of the CRPF saw one white Ambassador car in Lal Bazaar. On suspicion it signalled it to stop but instead of stopping, the car sped faster. The CRPF jawans opened fire. The car was slightly damaged and one of the occupants of the car was slightly injured. Suddenly, a Jeep belonging to the Soura police station appeared on the scene and started sounding the siren loudly. This divided the concentration of everybody and in the midst of confusion the Ambassador car, which was following the police van, disappeared. After about 10 minutes the same Police Jeep was spotted by the CRPF jawans at nearby Hawal area and was stopped. The search of the Jeep revealed that one person, belonging to Uri village of Baramulla district, was seated with the police driver. When he alighted from the jeep, he left behind some goods wrapped in a blanket. After removing the blanket, one loaded 38 bore revolver, one Chinese handgrenade, one knife sand one toy pistol were recovered. Three constables of the JKAP besides one more policeman of Baramulla, who were party to the conspiracy, were arrested.
In addition to the police servioes, majority of officers of all Government services used to encourage terrorism. It included those who were principal leaders of various militant outfits and some were working as area commanders. One Inspector belonging to the State Electricity Department at Pulwama was working as Area Commander of Hizbul Mujahideen. Though this official remained absent from duty for many days, he was given his pay and other facilities. He was using the Electricity Department's telephone and vehicle for subversive activities.
Many members of the State Council of Ministers were at the back of those Government employees who supported and assisted terrorist activities. This way Government employees, on the support of many bigwigs, started lending full support to the struggle for ''Kashmir's liberation". As a result of full co-operation from the Jail authorities, 12 hardcore terrorists were successful in escaping from the Srinagar Central Jail. This incident explains the conspiracy that was being hatched in the upper circles of the administration. The equipments for breaking the wall and cloth for weaving the ropes were made available to them. The hand of the administration is quite apparent in the events connected with absence of officials at the moment, power breakdown at that very moment, shifting of securitymen to the other barrack and availability of boats on the bank of the Nigin lake and successful escape. It is equally amazing to hear Pakistan Radio news broadcast about the escape of the inmates soon after the Jail break. The fleeing prisoners have no time to prepare the news of their escape and make arrangements for sending it to the other country. This incident also indicates the extent of Pakistani interference in the State administration.
It might have meant some labour (Government support) for engineering the escape of the militants from the jail but what can be said about the way 70 hardcore terrorists were released under the direct orders of the Chief Minister. All of them were expert in subversive activities. Since they were well versed in the infiltration routes on the border, in the style of smuggling of arms and ammunition, in recruitment of youths and in other allied terrorist activities, they restarted such activities after their release. They had full introduction and links with Pakistani authorities. If on one hand, their release encouraged many pro-Pakistan outfits and the Government employees feeling easy in taking part in these anti-national activities, on the other hand, it demoralised the nationalist officers and employees. Now they felt threat to their lives from their colleagues who were Pakistan supporters. Involved in the anti-national activities these employees would remain absent from their offices for many days. They would draw full salary from the state exchequer. Since they enjoyed political patronage, no complaint was lodged against them and no enquiry was launched.
Many hospitals in the Valley turned into hideouts for the terrorists. Terrorists would be admitted as patients in the hospitals because of the support of.the doctors. It had become a routine affair for them to sleep in the hospitals, partake food from the hospital and store their arms there. Many gates of the hospitals, parks and walls were rebuilt and relaid according to the requirements and facilities of the terrorists. For instance some holes had been dug in the wall of the outer compound of SMHS Hospital from where anyone could escape through the narrow lanes of the crowded Mohallas. The hand of the hospital administration had been evident, in one way or the other, in the escape of dreaded militants like Hamid Sheikh and Yasin Malik, in the kidnapping of Rubiya Sayed and in the killing incidents around the medical complex. Dr. A.A. Guru, who had, over a long period, established grip on the local medial community due to his post and by using his political influence and contacts, was the main person behind all these incidents.
It can be treated as the country's misfortune that the courts where people get justice, too had come in the clutches of the conspirators. The fact is that these wisemen and legal experts have done great injustice to the nation by giving "Justice" to the terrorists in accordance with the "Islamic principles" and "Islamic rules". It had become a routine matter for the judges to release the arrested terrorists without bail, issue one-sided stay order, protract and keep pending the hearing and discussion of the cases and restrict the constitutional rights of the Government to impose curfew restrictions. This way the work in the courts was paralysed. Lawyers in some towns of the valley even set up Islamic courts which were recognised bp Mullahs, Molvis, fundamentalist Muslim leaders and the Jamait-e-Islami leaders. They directed people to go to such courts for settling their cases. The lawyers too rejected the nation in the name of Islam and turned into a rebel.
If any lawyer was asked to prepare a speech on "nation first, religion afterwards" for which he would be paid Rs. 5,000, that person would present arguments in support of sacrifice for the nation whether one be longed to any religion or community.
Newspapers in the grip of terrorists
Newspapers in the Kashmir valley too fully cooperated with this violent agitation based on separatism through publicity. The threats to Hindus to quit Kashmir were published in the garb of statements and speeches of terrorists. These newspapers started publishing, without any fear, the reports about "Bandhs" and "civil curfew". The editorials and the news items of these newspapers used to be in such a way as if they were either the representatives or the spokesmen of the militant organisations. One newspaper even published a threat telling non-Kashmiris and Hindus to leave Kashmir within two days. This way these newspapers started publishing programmes, and threats of these terrorist outfits without any charges.
Mr. Jagmohan has given additional information in this respect in his book. According to Jagmohan, what can be talked about local newspapers when the Srinagar station of Doordarshan had become almost a spokesman of these subversive- elements. "Within one week of my arrival in Srinagar I was shocked to see the telecast of false and exaggerated account given by the militants as news in the local Kashmiri news bulletin. Even the "Namaz-i-Jinaza" in Anantnag, Barmulla and Sopore, would be telecast on Doordarshan. The cheapest and the most dangerous weapons of the militants was to spread rumours. Kashmiris have a special weakness for rumours, exaggerations and concocted tales".
A statement of Kashmir Students Liberation Front's commander was published in an Urdu newspaper "Sadai Huriyat" like this: '~The most powerful weapons in the hands of a Muslim is his faith - Islam. The examples of Palistines and Afghans are in front of us. If the flame of Islam gets lit in the mind of Kashmiri Muslims, I am fully confident that we will be free shortly, because our fight is with a coward and not a brave nation. In addition to this, we are not alone". It is quite evident from this single example that newspapers in the valley supported the anti-national elements.
Terrorism in Kashmir did not remain confined to the valley alone. It is being extended to the Jammu region under a plan. In many areas in the Jammu region Muslims held protest demonstrations against the arrest of a dreaded pro-Pak militant, Shabir Shah. On October 14, 1989 in a mosque in Doda Muslims unfurled an Islamic flag and expressed their support for the violent agitation for the sake of achieving the goal of "Greater Kashmir" or "Independent Kashmir". They delivered fiery speeches on the occasion.
Government of India did not try to come out of its politics of self-interest to see the real shape of the dangerous problem in Kashmir. It did not even bother to examine the gravity of the situation. Political leaders of Kashmir too spoke different languages and kept on changing their stances. A nationalist of today became a traitor tomorrow and after sometime the same became a nationalist again. In Delhi, Kashmiri leaders are Indians. These very people remain worshipper of "Kashmir nation" in Kashmir and whenever they go to Pakistan, they become pro-Pak. This character of politics of Kashmir continues till today without any hindrance. Mr. B.N. Malik has, in his book "My Days with Nehru," given an account of this special character of Kashmiri leaders.
According to him, it is unfortunate that these leaders, some like the old leaders of the type of Sheikh Abdullah or Afzal Beg, or like the Farooq type opportunists, try to take advantage of regionalism and separatism in order to fulfil their aims. The examples of such feelings can be found among the Scottish or Wales people of Great Britain, or French-speaking people in Canada, or the English speaking people in South Africa. Similar feelings can be found in separate Telengana or Vidarbh agitations. Such feelings of regionalism are fanned by those people who want to become leaders of different factions and parties.
|
|
|
|
© 2001 Kashmir Information Network. All Rights Reserved.